Showing posts with label war. Show all posts
Showing posts with label war. Show all posts

Tuesday, July 28, 2009

Violet Flowers Sprout Where Military Trucks Stood


RAJESH RAMACHANDRAN returns to the spot where he got injured in shelling while covering the war

IT WAS here that I learnt to be scared of death. Kargil, for me, meant misery and pain, until I revisited the spot where a splinter of a Pakistani artillery shell pierced the left part of the body and miraculously travelled down to be lodged somewhere between the pancreas and the kidney. It is still there.
A decade later, the old Drass brigade headquarters on National Highway 1D from Srinagar to Leh has a makeshift bamboo celebratory arch; a temple for all religions; boarded up buildings that have withstood relentless Pakistani bombarding; and men laying fresh bitumen on a battered road inviting visitors new and old.
Beautiful yellow and violet flowers sprout on the wayside where endless convoys of military trucks once stood. Though the untamed Suru still gushes down the Himalayas with heavenly dust and dirt, gone are the tents and the huge camps on its banks. The landscape once dotted with Bofors guns is again a trekker’s paradise and artillery batteries are neatly tucked away in the mountain folds.
The Border Roads Organisation signboard on the Kargil- Kharboo road reading “ You are now under the enemy observation” is all that is left to remind a traveller of the war.
A shelled out village of a few burnt shops is now a town transformed. Black soot and the military green have been replaced by a riot of colours of everything new — houses, hotels, shops, a brand new Shia mosque that proudly proclaims the victory of the idea of India. After pushing back the intruders who occupied the Kargil heights in the name of Islam, the military has helped local Muslims build a magnificent mosque, right next to the old headquarters.
Kargil, a district in Ladakh, is predominantly Muslim and the Drass block is even more so. Every man here had suffered, every family was sent away to safety when Pakistani guns hurled shells of destruction into their houses, reducing them to rubble. The Army was occupying houses and Hill View, the lone hotel in Drass, and artillery pieces were pounding Tiger Hill from barley and paddy fields.
The first televised Indian war also saw a lot of young journalists driving up and down the Kargil- Drass stretch of the highway, hunting for the elusive story. The war was being fought on mountain tops.
Indian soldiers climbed impossible rock faces where even a boulder rolled down by intruders could kill four or five. Yet, they climbed like ants and captured bunker after bunker, often by hand- to- hand combats and finally took each post away from the Pakistanis.
But all this was away from the camera. So, all that was being reported was what was being seen from the ground. An extraordinary event that I witnessed was the staging of the assault on the Tiger Hill. After the prayers, Colonel Khushal Thakur of the 18 Grenadiers calmly led his men on to the top of the mountain on June 3 from an abandoned house at a village in Drass.
When the Grenadiers and the Sikh Regiment began climbing the Tiger Hill, it started raining shells from across the LOC. I was returning from the artillery position towards the HQ. At the gate, camera crews were filming the firing of a multi- barrelled rocket launcher. The photographer and I, along with a camera crew that had sought a lift in our car, ran into the HQ when Pakistani guns spat death and doom on Drass.
A soldier guided us towards a bunker and they all slid down into it. In the melee, three of us were left behind, the man who showed us the bunker, the camera crew’s factotum and me. We found no space inside and squatted on the floor leaning on the wall of a small oneroom structure which we thought would give us cover.
I lit up sitting in the middle, chatting with the soldier. Then it happened. I was lifted up into the air by the shrapnel with a searing pain under the left armpit. The other two dragged me into the bunker which suddenly seemed to have enough room for all of us. I lay on a colleague’s lap, prepared to die.
After the initial round of fire was over, I was dragged out and taken to another bunker, where a man on the table had his chest ripped open. He died, with the doctor looking on. He was taken away and I was made to lie down on that table. The doctor probed and found I was hit. He pumped in morphine and called the next patient.
The medical inspection room is now in disuse. In fact, a new one has been built further away, towards the War Memorial on the way to Kargil. But the one- room structure is intact. It houses Military Engineering Service personnel.
As I hadn’t lost a limb or wasn’t dying yet, I had to wait for the 34 km bumpy ride to the base surgical camp at Gumri. A visiting brigadier from the directorate general of military operations was kind enough to drop me off, telling me all the while that I would live. The doctors at Gumri cleaned the wound and stitched it up: a bad job that burdened me with a painful and uncertain stay for a month in hospital and another at home convalescing.
After 10 years, what remains is not just the ugly scar of the war, but peace and prosperity.

Another Kargil Unlikely Today


By Rajesh Ramachandra in Drass
July 25, 2009, Mail Today
Sunday is the tenth anniversary of the end of the conf lict. MAIL TODAY revisits the war zone and finds the peaks are more secure

A FULL- FLEDGED Army camp at 14,000 feet overlooking the imposing Tiger Hill with a motorable road that brings in heavy artillery up the mountains could have only been a mad man’s dream 10 years ago.
But the impossibility became a necessity; the Cento Base next to Tiger Hill was built after the Kargil war in less than a year even though it remained inaccessible for more than six months during the winter. Now, Tiger Hill, Tololing Ridge, Batalik, Turtuk, indeed the entire mountain range is guarded by men who do not vacate their posts at all.
These have all become permanent, all- weather Army posts guarding against another Pakistani misadventure.
Maj. Gen. Suresh Khajuria, general officer commanding, 8 Mountain Division, says the biggest change in the last decade has been these posts all over the Kargil sector.
“ We are on all those heights that have any strategic or tactical significance. We occupy all those gaps that they exploited in 1999 — from Zoji La to Drass to Kargil to Batalik.” Each such post is serviced by a base camp like the Cento Base.
It has a helipad, substantial weaponry, a doctor, three officers, a volleyball court and even internet facility. The all- weather posts further up at 17,000 and 19,000 feet are supplied and maintained by these camps.
“ We have everything we need and that too the best in the world. Even in the most far flung posts, we have good ration, clothing, TV sets with dish antennae, landline phones and at times satellite phones so our men can talk to folks back home.
There is easy mobility with choppers bringing down anyone who is ill,” said Khajuria.
Though the posts have officers and men stuck in the snow for the entire winter until the snow melts, the men seem to be factoring it in as part of their twoyear stay in Kargil. “ We are fine now, but without the TV we would have gone mad,” said a soldier at one of the posts.
What was a brigade earlier is now four times bigger, with an Army division. The Army has also opened a Kargil Battle School to train the troops that come to the sector. The High Altitude Warfare School could only offer specialised courses for a limited number of people. So the Army opened this school to train all those who would be deployed here in cliff climbing, skiing and all else that is required to survive on the Himalayan tops that are not unlike the Siachen glacier.

Monday, May 25, 2009

Prabhakaran ruined what he created

Obituary
Mail Today
May 19, 2009
There can never be an easy assessment of the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) and its slain chief Velupillai Prabhakaran (54). For the governments of the world, including India and Sri Lanka, he was a terrorist, who funded his war against their armies peddling drugs and arms. Worse, for India, he was the one who masterminded the murder of a former prime minister.
But in 1987, the Asia week magazine compared him to the immortal revolutionary Che Guevara. The same year, the Newsweek said he is "the stuff of legend". This darling of former Tamil Nadu chief minister, M.G. Ramachandran, trained and equipped by the Indian secret services and the army in the mid-1980s, was once a gallant freedom fighter only to become India's most wanted terrorist. He never talked about the Rajiv murder in public, but finally, that did him in.
India never forgave him, not for the 1,255 Indian Peace Keeping Force (IPKF) men who died fighting the Tigers, but for the political assassination at Sriperumbudur. Even while grieving for Tamils in Lanka, Tamils of India were rendered defensive forever just by this action.
Life in Sri Lanka is not easy for the ethnic Tamil minority. The Army that defeated the LTTE and killed Prabhakaran does not have a single Sri Lankan Tamil among its combat troops. It indeed was an ethnic war in which one ethnic army defeated another smaller one. This crucial factor makes any evaluation of the LTTE chief terribly one-sided: it is either demonisation by the Sri Lankan propaganda or grudging glorification by the Tamils.
Every Tamil in embattled Jaffna, every youngster at the Jaffna University I met in 2006 had told me that Prabhakaran is the undisputed leader. Sure, many of them might have been scared of the ruthless LTTE killing machine to openly criticise Prabhakaran, but they all did say one thing: We are defenceless without the LTTE.
One of them at the University campus with folded hands had pleaded for forgiveness, grieving that India had cut its umbilical cord after Rajiv's murder. The issue for them was not whether they supported the LTTE or not, but that only the LTTE stood between them and ethnic humiliation, genocide, riots and a life of second class citizenship.
After all, it was from the failure of Eelam Gandhi, Thanthai (father) Chelvanayagam and the 1983 ethnic riots that armed guerrillas rose to defend Tamil pride and people. Soon, Tamils gave up their lives for a leader who created one of the toughest guerrilla forces in the world out of a peace-loving literate and prosperous community. The Tamil diaspora poured money into bomb and gun-making factories of Kilinochchi. Just a week ago, at an election rally in Tamil Nadu, chief minister M Karunanidhi, with Sonia Gandhi next to him, had read out a poem in honour of the slain LTTE political head, S.P. Thamilselvan.
The 'thambi' (or younger brother) as he was fondly called by his compatriots in his early days had built up his organisation killing fellow Tamil leaders, moderate and radical, to assume complete control of the community. In fact, Prabhakaran's first known target was a Tamil, Jaffna mayor Alfred Duriappa in July 1975. He either branded his opponents Sinhala collaborators or Indian spies.
What emerged was a guerrilla army that could hold the IPKF, defeat the Lankan army and control a huge portion of Sri Lankan territory in north and east. It ran its own banks, schools, hospitals, general administration, police and even an FM radio station. Like Tamil kings of yore, Prabhakaran captured and ruled Jaffna from 1990 to 1995. The radio station even in late 2006 was belting out songs in his praise, a sure sign of the leader's megalomania and an organisation's sycophancy.
All these trappings of power obviously made him feel invincible. The guerrilla leader converted his mobile squads into a conventional army and began holding territory losing his strategic advantage and inviting a rain of bombs from ground and air, causing death and destruction to over a lakh of Tamil civilians. Megalomania takes its toll on the leader and the masses. In his case there were stories of brutal torture and murder of close associates like Mahattayya. But finally it was internal dissension that led to his fall. Karuna, his eastern commander, walked away in 2004 to the enemy camp delivering a body blow to the LTTE.
Karuna had vital intelligence and the Lankan army had newly acquired technology and equipment that could listen to and see the Tigers from afar. The military juggernaut rolled on, finally finishing off one of the biggest insurgent armies the world has seen. The leader could have fled the battlefield long ago, but he went down fighting, becoming a martyr to the cause of the Tamil Eelam or homeland. He is probably one of the biggest terrorists ever for the rest of world, but for his people he personified Tamil power.

Sunday, October 12, 2008

Christian refugees flee Orissa

Fear turns Orissa refugees into migrants

By Rajesh Ramachandran in Kandhamal
MAIL TODAY October 9, 2008

HATRED and the misery it begets seem to have travelled the breadth of the country from Gujarat to Orissa.
Riots here have become comparable in their terrible scale of suffering to those of Gujarat because of the sheer number of the homeless and their migration.
Over 27,000 people are refugees in just one district.
Many more are missing in the forests. Worse, despite the governments claims of normalcy, they are not returning home, but are fleeing the district and even the state.
At the peak of the riots that began on August 24, there were 17 relief camps housing 27,000 people. Now there are 10 with around 13,000 refugees.
But the figures fail to tell the tale of migration. Those who are leaving the camps are not going home as the administration insists. Some may have returned, but the overwhelming majority is seeking safety.
There is a steady stream of Dalit Christians reaching the state capital, Bhubaneswar, only to flee further from fear.
Their houses have been looted, flattened and in some cases, the rains have erased all traces of habitation.
Even a conversion to the Sangh Parivar brand of Hinduism, a pre- requisite to step back into the village, is no guarantee for life and land.
According to those who run the relief camps, there are few cases of families returning to their villages. “ They are going to Kerala, Goa, Surat, Bangalore, Pune and elsewhere. It is a lie that they are going home.
Those who have relatives in Bhubaneswar stay there while those who have been working in other states are taking away their families to their workplaces.
There are many from Kandhamal who are working in Kerala, in the textile mills of Surat and elsewhere,” said a relief worker who didnt want to be identified.
In a desperately poor milieu, many Dalit Christians are the educated rural middle class.
Theirs has been a descent from decent living to destitution.
From pucca houses to cramped tents, most of them like Asya Digal at the Vijaya camp in Raikia look distracted.
His glassy gaze hides his proud past and the present pain of loss. Once a farmer who
fed his family and a skilled mason who had a three- bedroom pucca house, Asya now shares his tent with his grownup daughters.
At the G. Udaigiri camp, Jana Naik was ashamed to talk. He retired from the Army, his wife is a government school teacher and they had enough land to have never bought rice.
The murder of two of his cousins by the rioters drove him first into the forests and then into the camp.
“ I will not go anywhere. How can I go? What will happen to my standing crop and my land?” He refused to be photographed.
Unlike Naik, Dilip Pradhan is a tribal Christian whose family got stranded in the crossroads of the ethno- communal strife.
Ethnically, he ought to be with the arsonists but his faith sent him to the relief camp.
He works at Thrissur in Kerala and desperately hopes that the government will help his family go back to the village because he cant afford to shift them.
But nobody, neither the state nor the central government, has instilled any hope of home for Kandhamals refugees.

Wednesday, July 25, 2007

LTTE: We Didn't Kill Rajiv Gandhi


Rajesh Ramachandran
NDTV Transcript
22 November, 2006

Jaffna/Kilinochchi: In an exclusive interview to NDTV the political wing head of the LTTE, SP Thamilselvan claimed that the LTTE had nothing to do with the Rajiv Gandhi assassination. He demanded that the case should be further investigated. Also, the banned organisation is now seeking Indian support.

Are these signs of weakness or of a growing realisation that without Indian support Tamils in Sri Lanka will never be able to find a lasting solution?

They call themselves the forgotten people, their umbilical cord with Indian Tamils snapped. That was in 1991, after the assassination of Rajiv Gandhi. The Tigers' biggest blunder the Tamils of Jaffna say, that led to their being dropped off the Tamil map.

But they stop short of attacking the LTTE, their sole protection in times of ethnic cleansing.

Seek India's intervention

Students ready to take on a larger role in Tamil politics plead for India to forgive and forget. 'It was a tragic incident. I mean the Rajiv Gandhi assassination. India should move ahead. Without Indian intervention there can never be a solution,' said a local.

Even people in authority like the Catholic Bishop of Jaffna ask for India to intervene again. 'Certainly by ourselves we can't achieve peace. We are a very small group of people, a minority. In other countries also peace was achieved by the intervention of international community,' said Bishop Dr Thomas Savundranayagam.

'For us the best country is India. It's our closest neighbour and culturally we are very much linked and lot of our people have taken refuge there. India must not be simply a spectator but must play an active role in bringing a lasting peace,' said Savundranayagam.

Public mood changed

The LTTE says that the public mood in India has changed and that it is in its favour now. The LTTE is seeking Indian support and is disassociating from Rajiv Gandhi's assassination.

"'We need the support of the Indian government and the people. They should recognise our struggle for liberation. We want to know whether we have been rightly accused of the murder of Rajiv Gandhi. The LTTE or the movement has never admitted to the murder. More details of that incident need to be examined," said Thamilselvan, Political Head, LTTE.

The LTTE does not want to appear weak by asking directly for Indian intervention but its also clear that their lost camaraderie with Indian Tamils remains deeply felt.

A Nursery for Tiger Cubs

Rajesh Ramachandran
NDTV Transcript
28 November, 2006

Jaffna: The humanitarian crisis in Sri Lanka is getting from bad to worse with every passing day. NDTV travelled to the Jaffna University, which the Sri Lankan government claims is a breeding ground for training the LTTE.

The Sinhalese perception of Jaffna University is that it's a nursery for Tiger cubs. The university, which was unable to feed its students, was forced to close in August.

Also closed to students was their road to learning - the A9 highway - which brought many of them to the temple of Tamil studies from LTTE controlled Kilinochchi and Mulativu districts.

Recruitment base

About 1,300 students have not returned to Jaffna after the war resumed on August 11 - all because the Sri Lankan government believes the university is the biggest recruitment base for the LTTE.

"The road was closed because there was information that the LTTE was going to recruit 6,000 students from Jaffna and going to send them for training. Now the university has been closed," said Dr Palitha T B Kohona, Secretary General, Peace Secretariat, Sri Lanka.

Jaffna commander Major General MA Chandrasiri also considers the university a dangerous zone. "When we raided the university, we found grenades, satellite phone and a cutout of Prabhakaran. There are some hardcore LTTE cadres in the university, who are also student leaders. We cannot allow that," he said.

However, it's a different story at the university. Those supposed to be hardened LTTE cadre and supporters don't even face the camera.

They are truly afraid that they could be the next target after a student, they claim, was brutally killed by the gangs unleashed by the Sri Lankan forces to counter the Tigers. "Truth has died here. Those who speak the truth are targetted. That's why we are scared to speak out or show our faces," said a student.

VC rubbishes claim

However, Prof R Kumaravadivel, Vice Chancellor of Jaffna University, rubbishes the government claim, pointing out that there aren't even 6,000 students in the university.

"There are just 5,300 students, of which 75 per cent are from the LTTE controlled area of Vanni. They would have joined the LTTE there. They don't have to come to Jaffna to join the LTTE," countered Kumaravadivel.

In a community that is spread across the world from Australia to Norway and has been reduced to half of its original population, these Tamil students stand out. They speak of their alienation - the divide between the Sinhalese and the Tamil nations and their total commitment to their cause - a separate Tamil homeland.

"Tamil Eelam is not an LTTE proposal. It became our demand after the death of Thanthai Selvam in 1977. It is our need. We'll always seek a homeland and the LTTE is also part of that struggle," said a student.

Moreover, they consider themselves special - the educated youth in a war torn community who have a historic role to achieve the dream of a Tamil homeland.

The Cost of War




EXCLUSIVE
Rajesh Ramachandran
NDTV Transcript
27 November, 2006

Jaffna: A humanitarian crisis in the war battered north of Sri Lanka has forced many people to take refuge in the camps of Jaffna town. The Church of St Nicholas has become the latest refugee shelter in the town.

The rich migrate, others cross the Palk Strait and reach Tamil Nadu in southern India. But the poorest who stay back are trapped in the crossfire between the Sri Lankan forces and the Tamil Tiger rebels. A couple of weeks ago government air strikes killed 45 refugees in the area.

Father Ravichandran of St Nicholas Church says, "there have been lot of displacements since 1983. Displacements are part of our experience. We get displaced, then we go and get settled we live in camps for a few months and sometimes few years. I have been in refugee camps,` said Father Ravichandran, "as a school going boy I studied in a school for the displaced".

Over the last two decades, ever since the 1983 riots, Tamils in Sri Lanka have been reduced to being refugees in their own homeland in regular intervals.

High Security Zones

When the army fortified the Palaly airbase it took over a huge area of land all round the airbase as High Security Zone. Since 1991 the Tamils there, once proud farmers who owned small landholdings have been evicted from the most fertile land in Jaffna and that's one possible reason for the severe food shortage there.

"I had land and I used to cultivate chillies, onion, tomato and other vegetables, now I am struggling," a displaced farmer said. "Nearly One lakh 20 thousand people have been in camps for the last 15 years. They were driven out because the most fertile land was taken over by the army to explad the Palaly airport," said activist Srishakthivel. "That's the reason why the cost of living has gone so high," he said.

But for the army the High Security Zone is a necessity to sustain its 40,000 troops. "The High Security Zone I understand... there is red soil. Lot of cultivation was going on there, but when it comes to country's requirement all other things have lesser priority. This is a national requirement. People have to understand that Sri Lankan armed forces have to be in Jaffna and we need a separate high security zone," said Jaffna Commander Major General MA chandrasiri said."

Every new national security demand, every fresh battle in the war for freedom throws the poor deeper into the abyss of misery without food, home or hope of a decent living.