Thursday, March 13, 2014

Princes And The Parivar

Here is a 10-year-old piece that I wrote for The Times of India on the rise of BJP in Central India, riding the princes and their Swatantra Party.

By Rajesh Ramachandran
April 17, 2004
Dance of Democracy, The Times of India
Poll pundits predict BJP victories in Madhya Pradesh, Gujarat, Rajasthan and the tribal belts of Chhattisgarh and Orissa. The BJP’s stranglehold in these areas is often ascribed to the penetration of the RSS and its offshoots like Vanvasi Kalyan Ashram, Vishwa Hindu Parishad and Bharatiya Kisan Sangh.
   The RSS network in this region, though strong, is not the only reason for the BJP’s phenomenal growth. The RSS pracharaks worked on the credibility and the feudal edifice lent to them by the former rulers who promoted the Bharatiya Jan Sangh (BJS) and the BJP.
   Without Dilip Singh Judeo and his father’s active participation there would have been no Vanvasi Kalyan Ashram in Jashpur. The tribal belt is dotted by rulers and jagirdars who were anti-Congress: Bastar, Kanker and Jashpur in Chhattisgarh; Dhenkanal, Kalahandi, Keonjhar, Mayurbhanj and Patna in Orissa; Udaipur, Alwar, Bharatpur, Dholpur (Vasundhara Raje is married to this family), Karauli, Dungarpur, Jhalawar, Kota, Jaipur (of the famous Gayatri Devi), Jodhpur, Bikaner and Jaisalmer in Rajasthan. Gwalior, Rewa, Dhar, Narsinghpur, Satna and their jagirdars in MP all lent their princely status to seek votes for the Swatantra Party, BJS and BJP, as did the princelings of Gujarat.
   The BJS’ early gains were in MP and largely due to the late Rajmata of Gwalior, Vijayaraje Scindia. When she was in Congress in 1962, BJS had three MPs from the state, but after the anti-Congress Bastar prince’s murder, the tide turned and in 1967 there were seven BJS and six BJS-supported independent MPs.
   Vijayaraje’s political advisor Sardar Angre says, “The RSS made progress entirely because of the so-called Samants. Though ideologically affiliated to the Sangh, most princes were nervous about supporting BJS because of the allegations over Gandhi’s assassination. There was a baseless allegation that the revolver used came from Gwalior. And Swantantra was better funded by Bombay’s industrialists. But Rajmata was braver than the rest and joined Jan Sangh while most others opted for Swantantra’’. Ideological distinctions between Swantantra and BJS were blurred. In 1967, Vijayaraje contested for Parliament on a Swatantra ticket and the assembly on a BJS ticket.
   Though exonerated in the Gandhi assassination case, Alwar and Bharatpur princes were under a cloud and the Alwar PM N B Khare later became the Hindu Mahasabha president. It would have been natural for the rulers to align with the new power centre, Congress. Yet, many opted for Swatantra. Angre calls Swatantra a “good stepping stone for rulers and BJS’’. His brother-in-law finance minister Jaswant Singh was in Swatantra, a bigger Opposition party than BJS in Rajasthan, Orissa and Gujarat.
   Angre is clear that without the princes’ help BJP would never have grown into a ruling party: “RSS had influence over princes who influenced people and so BJS and BJP became viable alternatives to Congress.’’
   After Nehru proposed a land ceiling law in 1959, the princes who had their titles, privy purses and land to protect formed the Swatantra Party. It came second in the 1967 LS elections with 44 seats and 8.67% votes, becoming number one in Gujarat (12 seats), Orissa (8) and Mysore (5) and second in Rajasthan (8). After Indira Gandhi nationalised banks and abolished privy purses, Swatantra, BJS, Congress(O) and some socialists formed the Grand Alliance. Of these, only Swatantra fought in Orissa and was ahead of BJS in Rajasthan and Gujarat. In MP alone there were 8 princes under the BJS banner or as BJS-supported independents.
   Today, the sangh parivar no longer depends on princes for its survival in these areas. The anti-conversion campaign has acquired its own momentum and, if anything, the Judeos of the area today need the parivar and its ideology to remain politically relevant. TNN

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